China is an important growth market for the UK, with its worldwide food and drink imports having continued in a positive trend in July to just under £5bn, up from £4.4bn in June. With 2010 figures for UK food and drink exports to China up 28.5% on 2009 figures, manufacturers are increasingly looking at opportunities in this market.

In a joint initiative with the Food & Drink Exporters Association (FDEA) and UK Trade & Investment (UKTI), FDF’s support will ensure companies benefit from an enhanced and strongly branded UK presence at the show; a specially organised trade development visit for non-exhibiting companies to give them a taste of the market; and a meet the buyer initiative enabling companies to meet key customers from the retail and food service sectors.

Charlotte Lawson, Director of Member Services at FDF, said, “The UK manufactures many of the world’s best loved food and drink brands, and demand for our products abroad continues to grow. China, with its growing middle class, has turned from an export country to an import destination. As a growth market for the UK, China cannot be ignored.

“Working with FDEA and UKTI, FDF wants to help UK food and drink manufacturers take the Chinese market by storm by significantly enhancing the UK presence at the FHC exhibition in Shanghai. We aim to support Britain in her endeavour to double trade with China by 2015 to some 62 billion pounds, by supporting business building initiatives which enable UK food and drink manufacturers to gain access to this market.”

So, the message from the FDF seems clear – the Eastern markets are full of promise – maybe we have heard that said somewhere before? Let’s hope UK businesses can achieve something great in these troubled times.

Some would argue, however, that most consumers in the EU do not pontificate in the supermarket aisle and read the label word by word, before popping a product in the trolley or basket. Those consumers are finding it tough in these austerity times and do not really care where the food comes from or how much mono-sodium glutamate it contains. What really drives what food they buy is down to one key ingredient – price. And as we all know, with the huge increases in commodity prices (particularly the oil price) food prices in the EU have gone up a long way in the last few years. Sorry EU, but the consumer’s main concern is, and probably always will be, price – and the cheaper the better. In any event, here in the UK we are much better than some of our EU partners at providing nutritional information on labelling. As the UK’s Food and Drinks Federation (“FDF”) has pointed out in a response to the EU Food Information Proposal. Terry Jones, Director of Communications at the FDF, said:

“The UK food manufacturing sector is well ahead of other EU states on labelling, and we are pleased with the outcome of MEP’s votes on some aspects of the proposal, namely: nutrition labelling, the exemptions granted for small packs and some aspects of the broader approach on legibility – despite moves to introduce a mandatory minimum font size.”

Terry Jones went on to say:  “We are disappointed that MEPs have voted in favour of the mandatory extension of existing rules (e.g. for single ingredient products) on country of origin labelling (COOL), without considering calls from several member states, the European Commission and industry for an impact assessment to define if this would bring added value to the consumer, and the costs, feasibility and practicability of industry to implement such rules.”

So, there you have it. Mum used to know best, but now it seems our MEPs do. They govern what goes on our food labelling. Perhaps the MEPs will also vote in favour of issuing healthy eating menu cards to all EU consumers, so we all know what to cook with our “EU compliant labelled” food? I would not put it past them. As for industry, well, as the statements above indicate, it is yet more red tape and, no doubt, additional compliance costs for their businesses at a time when they can ill afford it. Still, it should keep the label manufacturers happy – or to put it another way – one man’s [labelled] meat is another man’s poison.

Ed Davey said, “ Our objective is to introduce a final Bill in the Second Session, although we will look at the opportunity for introducing the Bill earlier if parliamentary time allows. One reason for publishing the draft Bill as soon as possible is that if parliamentary time allows, we may be able to make it a first Session Bill, but that is not within my control.”

The background to the draft Bill which will set up a “supermarket ombudsman” is that the Groceries Supply Code of Practice was recommended by the Competition Commission following its market inquiry into the supply of groceries and report in April 2008. The Commission concluded that, although the exercise of buying power by grocery retailers was in general a good thing for consumers, it could raise concerns in certain circumstances. For instance, if retailers transfer excessive risks or unexpected costs to their suppliers in the hope of gaining a competitive advantage, it is likely to blunt suppliers’ incentives to invest in new capacity, products and production processes. Which in turn could be bad for consumers, and the Code of Practice is intended to remedy the problem.

The groceries supply code will apply to all companies active in the sector with an annual retail groceries turnover of £1 billion or more. Its provisions are now included in all retailers’ contracts with their grocery suppliers. It gives suppliers greater security, which should encourage them to invest in their operations. In essence, the code is about introducing clear standards and greater certainty.

The Competition Commission concluded that the code would be far more effective if it was enforced by an adjudicator. The idea is to dispel the climate of fear among suppliers, who felt they risked being black listed by the big supermarkets if they invoked the previous Code of Practice. The Commission does not have the power to establish an ombudsman. After failing to win agreement amongst the retailers to establish such a body on a voluntary basis, it asked the previous Government to act. The Coalition Government agrees that the Code of Practice needs to be independently monitored and enforced if it is to succeed.

The “supermarket ombudsman” will act as arbitrator in disputes arising under the code, and will have investigatory powers and, one assumes, powers to fine and censure retailers in the more serious cases of code abuse. We will know more when the draft Bill is published.

But who will ultimately benefit from the new Code and the appointment of an ombudsman? The consumer, the food supplier or both? Only time will tell. But one thing is for sure, the large grocery retailers in the UK will not be hiding under their duvets in fear of the new Bill. The Government will not want to risk being too onerous on them. After all, with a weak UK economy forecast for the foreseeable future, the last thing any Government will want to do is to alienate a sector which continues to increase trade and revenue even in these times of austerity. The big supermarkets provide UK plc with a lot of tax revenue, which is much needed in the Treasury coffers in the current climate. The ombudsman may be on his way, but he is unlikely to be changing too much any time soon.

Disclosure obligations

The Disclosure and Transparency Rules (DTR) apply to companies which are listed on a regulated market in the UK. The Listing Rules (LR) apply to companies which are listed on the FSA’s Official List. The DTR and LR impose certain obligations on such companies, including the way in which inside information should be controlled and disclosed. This is to ensure that all of the users of the markets receive the same information at the same time.

As JJB is a FTSE listed company it is subject to the DTR and LR.

Facts

JJB acquired OSC on 18 December 2007 for £5 million but did not disclose that it was also to purchase the in-store stock at a price of £10.038 million. On the later acquisition of Qube on 22 May 2008 for the nominal sum of £1, JJB failed to disclose the fact that it was in addition settling Qube’s overdraft facility at a cost of £6.47 million.

It was only later on 26 September 2008 when JJB published its interim results that it disclosed the true costs of the acquisitions for the first time, resulting in its share price falling by 49.5%.

FSA decision

The FSA considered that JJB’s failure to disclose the true costs of the acquisitions had created a false market in JJB’s shares for over nine months. The true costs constituted inside information and the information was that which a reasonable investor would use to reach investment decisions. JJB had therefore failed to comply with the DTR and LR.

The FSA originally imposed a penalty fine of £650,000 which was later reduced to £455,000 as a result of JJB’s cooperation in quickly reaching a settlement. This sum is the second largest fine the FSA has imposed for a breach of the DTR and LR.

Well, essentially, the BIS report says the following:

1. Broadly speaking, the report identifies that there has been a better than expected awareness of the key changes in the Act and a higher than anticipated take up of certain measures. 85% of those companies interviewed were aware of the changes under the Act.

2. Whilst there was an acknowledgement that there were costs savings and benefits from simplifying procedures for private companies on resolutions and meetings, over a third of companies interviewed disagreed that company law had been simplified. This is a rather telling statistic in itself given that simplification was one of the main objectives of the Act when the White Paper was issued a number of years back.

3. The report highlights that there is already a need to improve certain areas of the Act – in particular those provisions dealing with directors’ duties and the duty to promote the success of the company, business review and enfranchising indirect investors.

So what can directors glean from this report? Not a great deal really, and it can be argued that at a time of continuing economic uncertainty, the Government should be spending more time and resources on guiding and assisting directors through the maze of this complex piece of legislation, with a view to helping them run their companies more efficiently. No doubt directors will be thinking they would like a helping hand from the Government on the key provisions in the Act rather than have to face the prospect of having to implement further changes in the future. Is this really simplification? Probably not, but we live in an age of over reporting and no doubt there will be more reports to follow. Whatever happens, directors can be certain of one thing – Whitehall will be introducing changes to the Act – you have have been forewarned !

• whether there is a problem with short-termism in the UK’s equity markets and if action is needed to encourage investors to take a long term view;
• should the shareholders of a company have a greater degree of control over directors’ remuneration; and
• do boards understand the long-term implications of takeovers and do they communicate such implications effectively?

See my article on the Act published in the Director of Finance magazine in March 2010. The article focusses on two important areas for corporates – hospitality and maintaining adequate procedures to prevent bribery.

• Acceptance condition thresholds

The Committee considers that changing the threshold at which conditions can be accepted could better reflect the views of longer term shareholders which, in turn, should (theoretically) better reflect the best interests of the company. However, the Committee also notes several issues to be considered if such changes are made, including the imposition of buying restrictions during the offer period.

• The “disenfranchisement” of shares acquired during an offer period

The Committee suggests discounting votes made by those shareholders whose shares are acquired during the offer period. This could again be seen to reflect the interests of longer term shareholders, as well as reducing share trading during the offer period and thereby stabilising the share price.  The Committee also recognises the numerous potential difficulties with this proposal. For example, if an offer turns out to be unsuccessful, at which point should voting rights be reinstated?

• Disclosures in relation to shares and other securities

One of the Code’s aims is to provide as much transparency in the takeover process as possible.  To this end the Committee suggests reducing the threshold at which large shareholders must disclose their interests to small shareholders with less than a 1% shareholding, as well as introducing an obligation to disclose acceptances and voting decisions. However, the Committee notes that the 1% threshold is already well below requirements contained within other codes of practice, and that a substantial increase in disclosure may result in ‘over-disclosure’ which could ultimately cause confusion.

• Advice, advisers and advisory fees

In keeping with the principle of transparency, the Committee proposes that the Code should require public disclosure of advisers’ fees and costs although opponents argue that sensitive information may be disclosed as a result. 

• The “put up or shut up” regime, “virtual bids” and the offer timetable.

The concept of ‘Put up or Shut Up’ relates to an offeree company’s ability to request the Takeover Panel to impose an offer deadline on an offeror company.  It has been suggested that such a deadline be reduced to a standard period. Critics believe that this may not be in the interests of the offeree’s shareholders as the offeree’s board may not have sufficient time to fully consider an offer.

• Substantial acquisitions of shares

Following the abolition of the rules against speedy acquisitions of a company’s shares, there are arguments to reintroduce time limits under which a specified proportion of shares can be acquired. However, in response to this the Committee states that ‘market raids’ are relatively rare and it is not the role of the Takeover Panel to decide who can acquire shares.

The Committee has requested comments on the consultation by 27 July 2010 after which it will decide whether any reform of the Code is required.

The issue in question surrounded Cadbury Plc’s facility at Somerdale which, in 2007, Cadbury had announced would be the subject of a phased closure scheme during 2009 and 2010.  In several offer documents, Kraft stated its belief that the facility could remain open.

These statements fell foul of the two part test contained within rule 19.1 of the Takeover Code.  This rule relates to the bidder and target upholding standards of care during the takeover process, particularly in conjunction with rule 24 of the Takeover Code, which governs the information required in the bidder’s offer documents.  In this instance, the Takeover Panel found that when declaring that the facility could remain open, Kraft should not only have honestly and genuinely believed this to be true, but should also have had a reasonable basis for making such a declaration.  Kraft failed on the second part of the test.

Kraft’s leading financial advisers, Lazard & Co, can count themselves lucky to escape the public criticism levelled at Kraft.  Whilst the Takeover Panel deemed them to be partly responsible for failing to provide the information on which Kraft needed to rely when making the relevant statements, it did not consider it necessary to publicly criticise Lazard in the same manner as Kraft.

This decision by the Takeover Panel is a helpful reminder that financial advisers, as well as bidders, must at all times carefully follow the rules of the Takeover Code and should be alert to the repercussions of failing to do so.

1. Tackle ‘red tape’

Before the election, both the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats promised to tackle red tape, including imposing a “one-in-one-out rule” for new regulations. This rule will now be implemented. They have also agreed to scrap the culture of “tick-box regulation” enforcement and will introduce “sunset clauses” (a Liberal Democrat policy), so that rules will expire if they are not reviewed. Finally, the Government will scrap the “gold-plating” of European legislation (i.e the transposition of EU legislation, which goes beyond what is required by that legislation.)

2. Businesses

The Government aims to encourage new start-ups by reducing the number of forms needed to register a new business, so that Britain becomes the fastest place in the world to start a business (Conservative policy). It will also end the ban on social tenants starting businesses in their own homes (Conservative policy.)

3. Takeovers

The Government “will review the range of factors that can be considered by regulators when takeovers are proposed.” There are currently no further details. The Conservatives’ manifesto did not explicitly deal with takeovers, but the Liberal Democrats promised to ensure that the takeover rules restored a public interest test, so that a broader range of factors, other than competition, would be considered by regulators when takeovers are proposed.

4. Operating and Financial Reviews

The Government will reinstate Operating and Financial Reviews “to ensure that directors’ social and environmental duties have to be covered in company reporting, and investigate further ways of improving corporate accountability and transparency.” (Liberal Democrat policy). These Reviews were originally proposed, but then dropped, by the Labour Party in 2006.

It is currently early days for the Government, and their recently-published ‘Coalition Agreement’ will be implemented over the next five years. Many of the proposals lack sufficient detail at the moment, but this will surely become clearer over time. The emergency budget, which will be heard on 22 June, will be a starting point. From a small business perspective, look out for the capital gains tax changes.

1. Corporate governance

The main political parties’ proposals were made in the aftermath of the Walker Review, an independent review of corporate governance in the UK banking industry, in November 2009.

Labour

The Labour Government welcomed the Walker Review, with Lord Myners, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, commenting that the Government had to address “the weaknesses in board practice, risk management, control of remuneration and exercise of ownership rights identified by the Review…” In its manifesto, the Labour Party states that it will:

• Strengthen the Companies Act 2006 “where necessary” in order to create strong businesses comprising of skilled managers, accountable boards, and committed shareholders with long-term commitment;
• Strengthen the UK’s Stewardship Code for Institutional Shareholders, requiring institutional shareholders to declare how they vote, and for bank remuneration policies to be approved by shareholders.

Conservatives

The Conservative Party also welcomed the Walker Review, but criticised it for not going far enough. The Party’s manifesto says that it will: 

• Abolish the current tripartite system of regulation – abolish the FSA and put the Bank of England in charge of prudential supervision.

Liberal Democrats

The Liberal Democrats also supported the Walker Review, but, like the Conservative Party, did not believe it went far enough. Vince Cable, the Party’s Treasury spokesman, commented at the time that the recommendations should be compulsory, not voluntary.  

2. Takeovers

The recent controversial Kraft/Cadbury takeover has brought the subject of takeovers back into the political sphere.

Labour

Although at the time, the Business Secretary, Lord Mandelson, said the takeover was something that had to be decided by Cadbury’s shareholders, he has now changed his position and in the last couple of months has called for a wide-ranging review of UK takeover law. The Party’s manifesto includes some proposed reforms which would have a huge impact on takeovers: 

• Raise the threshold of shareholder support for company takeovers to a two-thirds majority, rather than the existing 50 per cent plus one share majority;
• Examine the possibility of “limiting votes” to those on the voting register before the bid is announced;
• Ensure that bidding companies are “more transparent” about their long-term plans for the business they want to takeover and their advisers’ fees;
• Require bidding companies to set out how they will finance their bids;
• More disclosure of who owns shares in the companies;
• Extend the “public interest” test in UK merger control so that it is applied to potential takeovers of infrastructure and utility companies.

Conservatives

The Conservative Party’s manifesto does not explicitly deal with takeovers. However, Shadow Business Secretary, Kenneth Clarke, commented that the Cadbury takeover was a matter for its shareholders.

Liberal Democrats

At the time of the Cadbury takeover, the Liberal Democrats were critical of the Government’s willingness to allow a state-controlled bank, Royal Bank of Scotland, to finance Kraft’s bid. Its manifesto proposes to: 

• Ensure that “takeover rules serve the UK economy” by restoring a public interest test, so that a broader range of factors, other than competition, can be considered by regulators when takeovers are proposed;
• Ensure that the outcome of takeover bids are determined by the long-term shareholder base.

3. Small and medium-sized businesses

Labour 

• New UK Finance for Growth, which will use £4bn billion of public and private funds to help businesses looking to develop and grow, in exchange for an equity stake in the company;
• Growth Capital Fund, announced in the last Budget, will inject money into, small and medium-sized companies in businesses with turnovers of between £1m and £25m.

Conservatives

Although there are no direct manifesto commitments, the Conservative Party recently commissioned a report by the American entrepreneur Doug Richard (an ex-‘dragon’ on the BBC’s Dragon’s Den television programme). His report, Small Business and Government: the Richard Report, proposed, amongst other things, the extension of the Enterprise Investment Scheme, which helps smaller trading companies to raise money by offering tax reliefs to investors who purchase shares in the companies.

Liberal Democrats

Establish Local Enterprise Funds and Regional Stock Exchanges. Local Enterprise Funds will help local investors put money into growing businesses in their own locality. Regional Stock Exchanges will allow businesses to access equity without the heavy regulatory requirements of a London listing;

• Reintroduce the Operating and Financial Review to ensure that directors’ social and environmental duties will be covered in company reporting.

3. Regulatory burden

Labour 

• Seek to reduce the costs of regulation by more than £6bn by 2015.

Conservatives

The Conservative Party policy document Regulation in the Post-Bureaucratic Age, published in October 2009, criticises the rise in regulation since Labour came to power in 1997, and proposes to: 

• Reduce the burden of red tape on business with a ‘one in one out’ rule for new regulation;
• Force each government department to reduce the regulatory burden by 5 per cent each year by eradicating costly and inefficient regulation.

The Conservative manifesto reiterates the need to cut the regulatory burden, and also to: 

• Reduce the number of forms that need to be completed to register a new business. It aims to create a ‘one-click’ registration model, so that Britain becomes the fastest place in the world to start a business;
• End restrictions on tenants in social housing starting a business from their homes.

Liberal Democrats 

• Cut regulation by assessing the cost and effectiveness of regulations before and after they are introduced;
• Operate a ‘one in one out’ system so that for every regulation introduced, another one is scrapped;
• Change the ‘culture’ of regulators to help, not hinder, business.

Comment

The election manifestos and policy statements of the three main parties have revealed some common ground and one big difference between them.

All the parties have welcomed the recommendations of the Walker Review (even if they don’t all think it has gone far enough), put forward plans to financially help small and medium-sized businesses, and made commitments to cut regulatory burden.

However, differences emerge on the issue of takeovers – a sensitive subject in the wake of the Cadbury takeover by Kraft. Labour has promised to bring in a ‘Cadbury law’ to protect British companies from foreign takeovers, whilst the Liberal Democrats want to create a ‘public interest’ test to ensure that issues other than just competition are taken into account when deciding whether a takeover should be allowed. The Conservatives, on the other hand, have rejected calls to change the UK takeover rules at all.

The proposed changes by Labour and the Liberal Democrats, if brought in, would have a big impact on how takeovers are conducted and potentially make it more difficult for bidders to succeed. Consequently, business leaders, as well as lawyers, are awaiting the outcome of the election with even greater interest than usual.

Peter Mandelson (the Business Secretary) has since proposed various reforms to takeover laws including:

• raising the voting threshold required to approve a hostile bid
• denying short-term shareholders such as hedge funds the right to vote during a bid period
• giving bidders less time to formally commit to their offer (“put up or shut up”) so as to reduce the length of time a takeover bid takes to complete
• requiring bidders to set out publicly how they intend to finance their bids over the long term and how they intend to make cost savings

The proposals have, however, received a mixed response. Some commentators are in favour of protecting companies from hostile bids but others would prefer takeover laws to remain the same so as to allow a company’s shareholders (rather than its board of directors) to determine the outcome of a takeover bid.

It is no secret that the M&A market has been in the doldrums of late, with acquisition plans being shelved whilst companies establish some stability in their own businesses. However, the recent activity would seem to signal increasing confidence amongst executives which may indicate a thaw in the market. There is still some uncertainty and in such times buyers, looking for a bargain, will be cautious about overpaying whilst sellers, looking for reasonable prices, will be wary of short-changing themselves. Reports in the media are that the recession is easing (or ended) and that things are stabilising. Potential buyers may be concerned that targets will become more expensive if they delay and if M&A really sparks again, this means there will be a premium placed on stocks.

What is clear from the examples above is that we are not presently seeing the return of the private equity firms that fuelled much of the merger mania prior to the credit crunch. The large deals announced recently are strategic, in that they involve one company buying another to make it an integral part of its business. In contrast, many of the pre-credit crunch takeovers involved the buyer taking on mountains of new borrowing to pay for the acquisition which left many companies struggling to make interest payments. The lack of access to loans following the seizure of the credit markets makes the early return of these transactions difficult to envisage.

So what about the BA/Iberia merger? The recession has eroded travel demand and punished airlines to the extent that the global airline industry is set to post total losses for 2009 exceeding $11 billion.  Mergers present the only option available to airlines to execute signifcant rationalisation to combat over capacity and governments (who have strict control or influence over airlines) are realising that, in the long term, access to foreign capital and a more rational use of airline assets through international alliances and mergers, is the way forward.

At present, for some sectors at least, confidence is returning and that big-ticket strategic (but not private equity-backed) mergers and acquisitions are back on the agenda. In other sectors (most notably the airline industry) the final repercussions of the recent disruptions in the world economy have yet to be felt and in those sectors we might see some more mergers of necessity to effect rationalisation. In both cases, increased M&A activity seems inevitable.